Northern Ireland talks: latest sticking point is policing and courts

It is a curious coincidence that Channel 4 broadcast a biopic of the late Mo Mowlam on the eve of yet more talks inside her former official home, Hillsborough Castle, where her ashes were scattered following her death from a brain tumour in 2005. If there are such things as ghosts then the spectre of Mowlam would easily recognise the arguments being hammered out between republicans and unionists, even a decade after she was replaced as Northern Ireland secretary. The "big issue" of this latest round of talks concerns local politicians taking control of Northern Ireland's police and courts. For Sinn Féin this has been a key demand, which, if realised, would demonstrate to republican voters that policing and the judiciary are under some kind of local democratic overview. While the Democratic Unionist party (DUP) stated in its manifesto that it always wanted local control of the police and the courts, it has to look over its shoulder. Hardliners such as the Traditional Unionist Voice leader, Jim Allister, will raise fears that Sinn Féin could eventually take over a future justice ministry, and even appoint a former IRA member at its head. To assuage DUP and wider unionist concerns, Sinn Féin has already agreed to a compromise. If the parties make a deal then the justice ministry will be headed by David Ford, the leader of the centrist, liberal non-sectarian Alliance party (AP), an appointment that will offend virtually no one. The DUP's price for agreeing to the transfer of policing and justice powers will be a concession on parading. There are thousands of traditional loyalist and Orange marches throughout Northern Ireland every year. Only a few are controversial owing to their routes passing by nationalist-Catholic areas. What happens regarding these parades is adjudicated by the Parades Commission. Unionists regard the commission as biased in favour of nationalist residents who object to the marches, and want it abolished. It is understood a new decision-making process will replace the commission and that in this reformed system organisations such as the Orange Order will have the right to appeal decisions against them. As with every concession another one has to be given to the "other side". In this case, Sinn Féin's price over parades is a concession on the Irish language. Although the British government is reluctant to introduce an act – which would put Gaelic on a par with English at a cost of tens of millions of pounds – Sinn Féin will get a strategy for the Irish language which all parties in the power-sharing coalition will sign up to. Even the AP will get a concession in the deal being hammered out at Hillsborough. The party wants a "shared future strategy" to create more social integration between Protestants and Catholics. Under this the devolved government of Northern Ireland would be committed, for example, to encouraging Protestant and Catholic schools, youth clubs and sporting bodies to share more space together.